The principal goals of U.S. immigration policy are:

Fuchs, Lawrence and Susan S. Forbes (1985). "Immigration and U.S. History—The Evolution of the Open Society." In , Thomas A. Aleinikoff and David A. Martin (eds.), pp. 38-59. St. Paul, Minn.: West Publishing Co.

SCOTUS Jennings Decision Won’t Be the Last Word on Bond Hearings for Immigrants

Enchautegui, María E., "The Effects of Immigration on the Wages and Employment of Black Males," Program for Research on Immigration Policy Paper PRIP-UI-25, The Urban Institute, May 1993. $8.50 #5118.


underwent a population boom in the '90s

Think Immigration: On Fatherhood and Motherhood in the Immigration Law Context

Between 1945 and 1990, one-quarter of all immigrants entering the United States were admitted on humanitarian grounds. Humanitarian admissions policy is guided by the of promoting human rights by extending protection to those fleeing persecution. The current legislative framework for humanitarian admissions policy is set out principally in the 1980 Refugee Act, which seeks to accomplish three goals:


Americans’ views of immigrants marked by widening …

Recent analyses by government agencies interested in "recovering" the public sector costs of immigrants and nonprofit groups committed to reducing levels of immigration uniformly find that immigrants impose fiscal burdens on governments and on native-born taxpayers. Although some studies are better than others, all overstate the negative impacts of immigrants for one or more of the following reasons:

How Immigrants Became Criminals | Boston Review

The body of literature available through 1991 paints a fairly consistent picture of the costs of immigrants across differing levels of government. Most studies suggest that immigrants are not an overall fiscal burden on the native population. At the state level the picture is mixed, resulting in part from the differing responsibilities assumed by different state governments. At the local level, analyses completed in the 1970s and 1980s have invariably found immigrants to be a net fiscal burden. They found the same for native populations (Rothman and Espenshade 1992).

Man up, DC! Immigrants are 73 percent of terrorism …

There is no doubt that estimating the economic costs and benefits of immigrants is extremely difficult. The data required to develop direct estimates for local areas, states, or the nation are generally unavailable. Consequently, researchers must fill in the gaps with assumptions. There is nothing inherently biased about this exercise. But most current studies use assumptions that maximize the apparent costs of immigrants. Alternative assumptions—often more plausible—produce very different results.

Talk about jobs Americans won’t do

This combination of errors leads Huddle to estimate that post-1970 immigrants (legal, illegal, and amnesty) paid $20.2 billion in taxes, or more than below the $70.3 billion estimated with better data, assumptions, and methods (Passel 1994). The shortfall consists of: