More general debates about the philosophical adequacy of a politics ofrecognition continue: for example, in her 2008 book , Lois McNay argues that identity claims that are atthe heart of many contemporary social movements are represented asdemands for recognition in the context of an over-simplified accountof power. Although theorists of recognition typically start from aHegelian model of the subject as dialogically formed and necessarilysituated, they too quickly abandon the radical consequences of such aview for subject formation, McNay argues. The subject of recognitionbecomes both personalized and hypostatized—divorced from thelarger social systems of power that create conditions of possibilityfor particular “identities” (2008: esp. 1–23). Inthis way, the debates around subject-formation that are at the heartof philosophical discussions of identity politics parallel debatesbetween Habermasians and Foucauldians about the possibility of atranscendental subject that can ground practices of critique (seeAllen 2008).
The term has been widely used for the past several centuries to describe societal conditions. Although it has been defined and applied in different ways throughout history, it has been prominent in historical discussions of the consequences of rapid social change and the intersection of culture and social structure. Anomie theory was popularized by the classic works of Émile Durkheim and Robert Merton. It is also central to Steven Messner and Richard Rosenfeld’s contemporary explanation for the substantial variation observed in rates of serious crime across nations generally, and to their explanation for why America exhibits one of the highest rates of serious crime in particular. Merton’s anomie theory and Messner and Rosenfeld’s institutional-anomie theory (IAT) are prominent criminological theories and have stimulated a relatively large body of empirical research over the past few decades focused on identifying the social and cultural conditions that are most conducive to producing particularly high or low levels of crime.
In Search of the American Dream - The Atlantic
Alternatively, your lack of confidence, self-defeating attitude and self-doubttoward the goals you have set for yourself is represented by the crashingairplane; you do not believe in your ability to attain those goals.
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Racial categories are perhaps most politically significant in theircontested relation to racism. Racism attempts to reduce members ofsocial groups to their racial features, drawing on a complex historyof racial stereotypes to do so. Racism is arguably analogous to otherforms of oppression in being both overt and institutionalized,manifested both as deliberate acts by individuals and as unplannedsystemic outcomes. The specific direction of US discussion of thecategories of race has been around color-blind versus color-consciouspublic policy (Appiah and Gutmann 1996). Color-blindness—thatis, the view that race should be ignored in public policy andeveryday exchange—has hegemony in popular discourse. Drawingattention to race—whether in a personal description or inuniversity admissions procedures—is unfair and racist. Advocatesof color-consciousness, on the other hand, argue that racism will notdisappear without proactive efforts, which require the invocation ofrace. Thus affirmative action, for example, requires statistics aboutthe numbers of members of oppressed racial groups employed in certaincontexts, which in turn requires racial identification andcategorization. Thus those working against racism face a paradoxfamiliar in identity politics: the very identity they aim to dispelmust be invoked to make their case.
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A thorough analysis of the origins and various uses of the concept of anomie throughout history. Excellent source of information on how Durkheim and Merton define and use anomie in their respective works.