There has been a reaction to that even in the lesbian community, where we now have the phenomenon of "lipstick lesbians," who indulge in all the traditional paraphernalia of feminine beauty -- and a pair of such women can make a decent living now simply selling videos of their own lovemaking to male fans [a formula that even works at the level of non-pornographic light comedy -- see ].
of Wolff and others to present emphasis on beauty as a recent and Western phenomenon -- as part, indeed, of the conservative blacklash of the 80's (although this is rather strange considering the alliance of anti-porn feminists with anti-porn conservatives) -- this does not explain historical and cross-cultural cases like the name of the famous ancient Egyptian Queen Nefertiti, which means "The Beautiful One Has Come," or a traditional Hawaiian girl's name like "Haunani," which means "Very Beautiful," or the Chinese character that writes the character for "woman" twice to mean "handsome" or "pretty." A striking example of contasting the beauty of women with the martial vocation of men may be found in the great Indian epic, the .
DECORATING DISSIDENCE: FEMINISM, MODERNISM …
The movement to change restrictive abortion laws began independently of and earlier than the women's liberation movement, but when that movement emerged it quickly captured the abortion issue as its own, energizing and publicizing it along the way. Since then, the two movements have proceeded along parallel tracks. The abortion, or pro-choice movement as it prefers to be called, has distinct organizations devoted solely to that issue. The most prominent of these is NARAL (National Abortion Rights Action League). Planned Parenthood (which has a broader agenda) is the most powerful. Before Roe v. Wade legalized abortions, the younger branch nourished many referral groups. Since then, local pro-choice organizations still exist in many cities though their activities vary enormously. These organizations are sustained by a separate set of activists whose primary energies are focused on reproductive freedom even though virtually all are sympathetic to other feminist concerns. The parallel tracks are tied together by these sympathetic activists and their equivalents in feminist organizations. Some activists "cross over" as staff of feminist and pro-choice organizations, but most concentrate on one. Although there are feminists who are anti-abortion, they are a small minority within the women's liberation movement and are ignored. All of the feminist organizations see reproductive freedom as an intrinsic part of the feminist agenda. Everyday organizing and lobbying is handled by the pro-choice organizations; demonstrations may be organized by any group; during crises everyone pitches in.
One-day workshop, Friday 1 June 2018 University of Birmingham
The NWP's initial attitude toward NOW was not sisterly. It did not want its role as the preeminent feminist organization to be usurped, particularly by women who had a broader agenda than the ERA. However, it knew an opportunity when it saw one. It infiltrated NOW as it had BPW and many other organizations, and in 1967 NOW endorsed the ERA. The debate was spirited but not acrimonious. Although labor union women felt compelled to withdraw from NOW because their unions opposed the ERA, most participants at the NOW conference were strong supporters. They were unaware of the decades of debate over protective labor legislation, and very attuned to the importance of equality as a result of the civil rights movement. The latter had created a different frame of reference than that of the struggle to protect workers against industrial exploitation at the turn of the century.
DECORATING DISSIDENCE: FEMINISM, MODERNISM & …
The ERA dominated the women's liberation movement as it did the NWP but it was more by accident than by intention. When NOW proposed a Bill of Rights for Women in 1968 it contained eight planks, only one of which was the ERA. The younger branch never made a list of its demands, but in the many papers that appeared in its media, a constitutional amendment to achieve legal equality was not one of the articulated goals. At the first national feminist march, to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of Suffrage on August 26 1970, the three demands were equal opportunity in employment and education, free abortion on demand and twenty-four hour child care centers. Even in 1977, when the ERA campaign was at its height, the National Women's Conference in Houston, Texas passed resolutions on twenty-five separate issues. By then the three most controversial and visible issues were the ERA, abortion and gay rights.